Demonization of anti-capitalist cultural forms

[This is the last of three posts on the Great British Class Survey. To access the others, go to the introduction here.]

My final concern arises from the attitude to forms of culture that this study reflects. Specifically it reflects a demonization of a large number of truly counter-cultural forms, which is to say highbrow culture. By counter-cultural I mean, quite simply, running on lines that are counter to the general motions of society, and since our society is conditioned by capital and the social relations that it feeds on, counter-cultural forms are those which cause problems for capital. Highbrow culture is counter-cultural in two specific and important senses: first because it has always been and remains a problem for capitalist sale. It simply is not attractive enough, or as easy to reproduce, as capitalism wishes for its commodities. The question of quality or intelligence or value is immaterial here: capitalism simply can’t sell ancient Greek poetry for as quick and big a profit as it can sell football. The second reason highbrow culture is counter-cultural is that it offers the possibility for disrupting the class position of members of society, and specifically allowing for the possibility that the lower classes might rise above their beginnings.

The demonization of highbrow culture is widespread. It informs programming on television and radio, curriculums in schools, even, ludicrously, decisions that highbrow cultural organizations take about what they are going to stage or exhibit (can’t be too highbrow, darling: that simply won’t do). And the reasons for the demonization, on the face of it, as so often, seem good: highbrow culture has traditionally been associated with the rich and powerful. But it isn’t any more, and this is a paradox that the liberal attitude is often ignorant of. The richest and most powerful, people like ex-Etonian David Cameron, are more likely to disdain highbrow culture – and particularly musical culture – than to enjoy it, and it’s the aspirational lower-class Tories like Michael Gove who are more likely to be seen watching Wagner – doubtless with genuine love for the music – at Covent Garden. (And the ticket prices, incidentally, might not cost any more than football: see my blogpost here). This paradox – the rich seem to be increasingly opposed to highbrow culture – serves a specific political and economic purpose, which will become clear below (essentially, it helps keep the poor in their place).

The demonization of highbrow culture covers over two huge errors: first, the error of essentialism (i.e. supposing that there is an unbreakable link between certain people and certain characteristics: here, a link between poshness and highbrow culture); second, the error of supposing that people are always representative of the situation in which they find themselves. Hand in hand, these errors help to sustain the abject position of the poor by denying them access to at least the possibility of deciding for themselves whether highbrow culture has anything to offer.

One of the greatest and most emancipatory benefits of highbrow culture is that it strikes those who were not born into an exposure with it – i.e. those from the lower classes, whose diet might be Agatha Christie and the Bee Gees rather than Virgil and Beethoven – as something profoundly Other, something to which they can aspire, something that can lead them, as a beacon, to a better life. It is perhaps the most staggering stupidity of the contemporary liberal attitude that so many people fail to see this. In precisely the same way, the democratic freedoms of the West are often seen by abject subjects of middle-eastern dictatorships, and so on, as a political consummation devoutly to be wished. Again, the liberal attitude is to feel guilty about the very freedoms that our patronizingly viewed Other regards as so very desirable. The only thing that could possibly be wrong about enjoying freedom or high culture would be to deny it to others. Yet this is precisely what the liberal attitude dictates. Hide high culture away; listen to pop; don’t try to foist our cultural attitudes (pro-women, pro-gay, multicultural) onto the Other.

But disdaining highbrow Western civilization simply because it is (falsely) assumed to have an essential relation to an exploitative elite is, quite simply, selfishness. It leads to the evisceration of school curriculums and the demonization of the arts. Extending the gift of civilization to the whole world, not to force-feed but at least to allow people the chance to decide for themselves whether they want it, is surely a better course to take. But the attitude reflected by studies like the Great British Class Survey serves one purpose only: to further the motion of modern capitalism.

The highbrow tastes that are implicitly disdained by this study, and which explicitly lift people into a higher class even when their actual material conditions are much worse than those around them, are quite simply the cultural interests that capitalism has always found it very difficult to sell, relative to the attractive objects of mass consumption peddled by the culture industry. The demonization of these cultural forms – so extensive that even an ex-Etonian prime minister can largely disdain them – is an essential function of the command to consume. And hand in hand with this demonization of the cultural artefacts themselves goes the demonization of those who wish to make them, and rational thought about them, available to as many people as possible, because they believe them to have the potential to emancipate.

I should say that I don’t mean, as the authors of this study do, that listening to Beethoven or reading Virgil will make your life more secure and you a better and more socially important person. It won’t. Absolutely not. Cultural capital buys you nothing and doesn’t improve your morals or social standing. It’s worthless as a commodity. Don’t waste your time learning about Beethoven or Virgil if you want to be a better or richer person. It has no direct causal connexion with the increase or decrease of personal significance or riches. But it might just lead you into thinking about things you hadn’t thought about before. Pursuing it might open doors that your birth and the wealth of your parents could not. It might lead you, for instance, if all around you are low-skilled workers in dead-end jobs, to imagine a different career path, one focused on teaching, research, arts administration, museum curating, performance, journalism, creative writing… But the moment you tick more than three boxes of highbrow cultural interests on the online calculator, you are catapulted into a higher social class. And the higher you go, the more guilty you should feel.

The calculator is worse than simply being useless. It is a depressing reflexion of the present attitude in liberal Western society towards the possibility of properly understanding and then overturning our current system. And until we can cast off our assumption of an essential relation between highbrow culture and privilege, and the concomitant view that working-class people have working-class attitudes and cannot articulate for themselves a way out of their position which draws on the exquisite resources for self-understanding that highbrow culture offers, we are doomed to perpetuate the wretched class system of capitalism, which remains, even after this study, not seven classes but two: those who are exploited (a class that is growing) and those who exploit.

Exploitation in contemporary society

[This is the second of three posts on the Great British Class Survey. To access the others, go to the introduction here.]

If an analysis of exploitation is reintroduced to the picture, we are left with something more what Erik Olin Wright finds in his book Classes (the full text can be read here). Wright suggests that there is a ‘clear majority’ of working-class people in the subjects of his study (Sweden and the US). By ‘working class’ he means people whose essential relation to capital is that they are exploited by a sizeable elite (constituting around a quarter of society). This ‘exploitation’ isn’t what perhaps the most obvious meaning might take it to be, but a simple Marxist calculation, which I’ll quickly explain.

In chapter 9 of Capital, vol. 1, Marx writes an acute, and incidentally very funny, rebuttal of a classical explanation of how much work the worker does to provide profit for a mill owner. The economist Nassau W. Senior suggested that if an owner spends £80K on a mill and machinery and £20K on raw materials and wages, of which £15K are wages (so, that’s a a total investment of £100K) and sells the results for £115K, then it seems that the worker is only devoting one hour (that is, two 23rds or ten 115ths) of their 11.5 hours of daily work to the production of profit for the owner. In other words, 10.5 hours are spent generating money to pay for the £100K of the owner’s costs, and one further hour is spent producing the £15K of profit. That seems OK, doesn’t it?

Unfortunately it’s a wonky calculation. On this basis, if the worker does only 4 hours of work, then rather than producing something that can be sold for something, the mill owner would actually lose money: the worker wouldn’t even have reproduced the cost of the raw materials yet. Clearly that’s false: the worker will have produced less, but will still have produced something, and that something can be sold. So the only logical conclusion is that the worker is generating profit with every minute of work. Raw materials are converted into commodities every minute, and in every minute the cost of labour and raw materials that is outlayed by the owner is converted into something that can be sold for a profit. The rate of the profit increases the more hours the worker does. So the calculation of exploitation is extremely simple: you just have to work out the ratio of profit to the labour costs. Since in Senior’s example the labour costs £15K and the profits are £15K, the rate of exploitation is 100%. The workers work 5.75 hours in the day to produce their own wages and 5.75 hours in the day to produce the owner’s profit. That is exploitation. The rate of it is varied by workplace disputes and the drive to work shorter hours for more pay, but even if the rate of exploitation is 1%, that is value that is being taken away from the worker by the owner, who is ultimately, no matter how hard the worker pushes, the one who retains control of what are classically called ‘the means of production’.

Class has to be understood in terms of exploitation for the simple reason that, as I have already observed, what matters is material reality, the individual’s ability to sustain a comfortable, healthy, even pleasurable existence. Having cultural or social pleasures does mitigate other sufferings – this is why community and shared cultural interests like football are often so strong among the economically abject – but rather than aiding in the struggle to reduce exploitation and increase fairness, it actually aids in exploitation by making the system seem bearable. The more that capitalism grows, the more scraps the master can throw from his table. But if we focus, as the Great British Class Survey encourages us to do, on the differentiation between the dogs by the table, we sideline the question of actually doing something to change this relation between the classes. Instead of focusing attention on modern forms of exploitation, studies like this, which stress social and cultural capital, end up giving too much weight to a person’s character and interests than their position in society. The implication of it is in fact pretty insulting. ‘Yes, you live in a tiny flat with rising damp and a knackered boiler and have soles flapping off your shoes. But you count solicitors and professors among your friends and you listen to the Afternoon Play on Radio 4 so you’re much posher than someone like me, rattling lonesomely around my 5-bedroomed Mayfair townhouse, with Jessie J piped through the integrated hi-fi in every room my only companion. How I envy you the glorious richness of your social and cultural life!’

Far from shrinking as a proportion of society, it’s clear that the percentage of the working class, or the proletariat, is actually growing. The old forms of exploitation still exist, but new forms are being developed as the privatization of shared social space continues at full tilt. Consider just hospitals and universities. The professional classes of surgeons and academics who service these industries increasingly find themselves subject to new forms of economic exploitation. Here it is not the case, as it was with the historic shift from artisanal to industrial production, that the surgeons and academics were producing things like tables and trousers that once generated profits entirely for them and subsequently generated profits for the capitalist. No, today’s surgeons and academics increasingly find that the things they do in their jobs – the routine surgery, the academic ‘impacts’ (see here for my analysis of this) – are siphoned off as items of sale for private business. The relation even of the ‘established middle classes’ in the Great British Class Survey paradigm to capital is, therefore, increasingly one of exploitation. I don’t mean that we should weep, particularly, for people earning £40K or more, but I do think that it is foolish to be blind to the way that the proletarianization of the population is growing, not shrinking, and I also think that we should be alert to the dangers of swallowing the quietistic assurances of studies like this.

[Next: Demonization of anti-capitalist cultural forms]

Class and material reality

[This is the first of three posts on the Great British Class Survey. To access the others, go to the introduction here.]

The question of class is bound up with the security of one’s position in society. If you earn a good wage and can afford to buy your own home, so that you are not at risk of being chucked out onto the street by a landlord who wants to lift the rent to a level above that you can afford, you are more secure than someone who can only afford to rent. And if you can afford two houses, three foreign holidays a year, and have plentiful savings, you are of course even more secure. There’s a continuum from relatively low to relatively high, though those in direst need and those with the most exceptional wealth lie beyond that continuum and are essentially connected to it or to each other only in the forms of torturer or torture victim. It doesn’t make you any more able to feed or clothe yourself if you can happily read Latin, and it doesn’t make you any more a kid from the ghetto if you listen to hip hop in your own private wing of Castle Howard. Money, its rate of generation, and its expression in the form of assets, is the crucial factor in determining one’s status in society. Of course if you’re rich and you have the same interests as an even richer and more powerful person, you might be able to wangle a bit more riches for yourself with their help; but aristocrats aren’t going to become buddies with the poor of the estates just because they both like reading The Master and Margarita. (But of course, neither are aristocrats going to become friendly with lottery winners whose interests and opinions are otherwise remote from their own.) The three ‘capitals’ interact in complex ways, and in essence there is a lot of sense in attempting to unravel things in the way that Savage et al. have done, but I think we should be clear about the picture of society this research reflects (though it does not, I suggest, generate it on its own).

We are blithely assured, in the journal article summarizing the research, that the working class ‘now only comprise 14 per cent of the population, and are relatively old, with an average age of 65. To this extent, the traditional working class is fading from contemporary importance, and clearly is less prominent than the established middle class’ (27). The implication is that once those stragglers from history have died, there will be no more working class. So we should just sit and wait and we will be in Shangri-La. It seems that modern capitalism has lifted millions out of their traditional working-class situation and blessed the general population with a variety of middle-class identities.

This ‘fading from contemporary importance’ of the working class is, however, brought about only by simple assertion and re-definition. Underlying the subdivision of society into seven new classes is an unstated commitment to a belief in the benefits of contemporary capitalism, which have diminished the working class. (This is made possible only by the study’s refusal to focus on structures of exploitation, which I shall return to shortly.) This focus leads to an insistence that society is largely made up of different forms of middle-class experience: established middle class, technical middle class, and so on. These new classes are more or less arbitrarily defined in terms derived from Pierre Bourdieu’s focus on social, cultural, and economic capital.[1] So, it is not at all clear that the people or their experience have changed. Only their label has changed. Or, more precisely: certain aspects of character, which depend on circular reasoning about the ‘status’ of social and cultural forms, are taken to be more significantly determinative of lived experience in Britain than the economic factors which influence material existence, the reality of being alive and struggling to remain so in comfort, good health, and security.

The political implications of this kind of thinking are obvious and terrible. The view it supports is that ours is a majority middle-class country, with an elite that is so small that we needn’t worry about trying to tame it and a poor that is reassuringly shrinking (or being incarcerated when welfare dependency brings out the nascent evil in them, if the Daily Mail is to be believed – which of course it isn’t). Martin Kettle notes in today’s Guardian that our three political parties – traditionally representing the upper, middle, and lower classes – now only represent a minority of the population, which he takes to explain their problematic relation to society. I think that he’s right about the problem with our politics but entirely wrong about the details. The old classes only represent a minority on this tendentiously defined model; they remain as heuristically powerful as ever in explaining the class structure of Britain. What is more striking is the fact that all three parties, which espouse functionally identical positions on economics, social issues, law and order, education, health care, the military, etc., are reflected by this research. The research does not, as Kettle supposes, demonstrate that our politics is out of step with our world. On the contrary, the closeness of fit between the assumptions underlying our politics and research like this demonstrate the incredible ideological efficiency of postmodern capitalism, which so distorts our politics and economics that we worry about catering for tiny differences in the comfortable middle classes at the expense of addressing the structural exploitation by the elite of the middle and in particular the lower classes.

[Next: Exploitation in contemporary society]


  1. Incidentally, I think the only reason people give Bourdieu the attention they do is that his theories are simple, and therefore easy to grasp and use, and also French, so they lend the scholarship a certain style. Beyond that he is a deeply dubious figure.  ↩

Political problems with the Great British Class Survey

The results of the BBC-sponsored ‘Great British Class Survey’ were widely publicized yesterday (see the footnote for the academic study on which they are based, and a link).[1] The chief claims are that the layperson’s subdivision of British society into upper, middle, and lower classes is out of date, and that the people exhibiting qualities associated with those classes make up less than half of the current British population. In place of the tripartite system we should establish a seven-part division of society (the seven types are described here) in which the traditional working class is disappearing and the population is largely made up of shades of middle-class experience. It is no surprise that this research should have been commissioned at the present moment of political and economic history (i.e. the Thatcherite epoch), and while surely not deliberate, it is a sickening irony that the diverting and soothing check-your-own-class online questionnaire should have been made public only two days after the government’s apocalypse of the British welfare system.

Many people on Facebook and Twitter have already observed that, if you tweak your answers a little this way and that, particularly concerning which cultural forms interest you, your class diagnosis can fly widely from low to high. I’m not so interested in this diagnostic failure of what is in any case a crude questionnaire (I’ll give the researchers credit for a much more sophisticated interpretation of contextual information than this simple tool allows), and will instead focus, in three short companion blogposts, on just three problems that I see circulating around it

  1. It represents a tendentious interpretation of the material experience of contemporary Britons;
  2. It obscures the role of exploitation in society;
  3. It demonizes counter-cultural forms of thought and feeling.

But before I start with these three points, the reason for this widely observed problems with the diagnostic tool should be explained. It is because there is a decisive methodological problem with the study, which purports to offer an answer to questions such as ‘What social status is an academic?’ by focusing on three ‘capitals’: social, cultural, and economic. The professed aim is to produce a more nuanced picture of class reality than a simple focus on the economics would do. To determine the status of an academic, then, it asks questions about social contact. Which people do you know? Cleaners? Accountants? Academics? If you tick ‘university lecturer’, you will find that the measure of the social status of your friends rises to the highest level. This might seem an unproblematic assumption: surely academics are of a high social status. But isn’t this what the methodology is meant to be determining? The assumed high status of academics is then fed into the calculation of the social capital of the individual (the academic) doing the questionnaire, and the outcome will be a nuanced picture of the social status of that individual (that academic). There is, in short, a circularity to the investigation. Certain jobs are assumed to be fixed to certain social statuses, and they cannot be statuses that have been determined by this methodology, because the methodology requires them to be in place already at the start. Identical problems exist with the cultural-capital questions, which assume that certain cultural forms are inextricably linked with certain social statuses. I’ll return to these later. But the tests for both social and cultural capital are so circular that they distort the outcome of the investigation. They should be removed, to leave only the measure of economics (suddenly the seven class types then begin to seem more accurate). Incidentally, I know four academics, all from working-class backgrounds, all earning more or less the same amount, who have done the test. Their results came out as ‘elite’, ‘established middle class’, ‘new affluent workers’, and ‘emergent service workers’ depending on the friends or cultural interests they admitted to. There’s no way that this methodology can reliably determine such a wide range of outcomes when the outcome is already assumed from the start.

On, then, to the first of the three main problems with this study: its tendentious outline of the material reality of contemporary Britain. [Click here]


  1. Mike Savage, et al., ‘A New Model of Social Class: Findings from the BBC’s Great British Class Survey Experiment’, Sociology (pre-print), available here.  ↩

‘Impact’ as surplus value

Hegel teaching

Universities are increasingly treated like businesses, and most people seem to think that this is a good thing. According to the general prejudice, public-sector organizations like universities tend towards considerable economic wastage, while private-sector businesses are economically efficient, making the most out of the money they invest. Since the money that pays for universities comes from taxes levied on the citizens of the country in which they exist, it seems reasonable to require universities to demonstrate that the money is being well spent. One of the latest means that the government and funding councils like the Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC) have settled on is to measure the ‘impact’ of research, i.e. the ‘impact’ of the books and articles that scholars write. (Their definition of what this ‘impact’ might be is quite surprising; I shall explain it later.)

Much has been written about the dangers of the ‘impact’ agenda, which seems essentially to require universities to defend their very existence in terms of the economic (as opposed to civilizing) benefit they bring to society, and a Council for the Defence of British Universities has been founded partly to resist this pressure. But in this blogpost I want to make a different and simpler point. The forced comparison to business distorts the investigation, irrespective of the merits of the idea of ‘impact’, because it focuses attention not on what might be considered the proper activity of universities, their teaching and research, but on an alchemical byproduct of their normal activity, a ‘surplus value’ that can potentially be sold into private hands in a direct transfer of public money into the private sector. As strange as it may seem, I want to suggest that acquiescing in or supporting the drive to assess ‘impact’ is therefore at the same time to acquiesce in or to support the privatization of universities.

The production of surplus value

Business operates according to a simple model under capitalism. Suppose that it costs the owner of a trouser factory £5 to pay a worker and £5 for the raw materials, associated factory costs (electricity, upkeep of the machinery, etc.), distribution costs, and so on, so that his total outlay is £10. He asks the worker to make him a pair of trousers that he can sell for £12. The value of the pair of trousers is £10, which is the cost the businessman paid for the materials (etc.) and the labour. That additional £2 is ‘surplus value’ that has been created by the worker in manufacturing the pair of trousers for the businessman, and it is taken away for profit. There is, therefore, a kind of alchemy in capitalism: the businessman pays £10 and gets £12 back.

In essence, the current idea of ‘impact’ in universities works in the same way. It costs a certain amount to fund the teaching and research that goes on in universities (call that the £5 labour cost of the trouser-making example I’ve just given: it includes the wages of the administrative and support staff as well as academics) and a certain amount to maintain the buildings and libraries and invest in the raw materials (books, journal subscriptions, accommodation blocks, etc.) that are essential to the running of a university, the second £5 in my earlier example. Universities then ‘produce’ teaching and research, and students come away having had a certain intensity of intellectual training that is reflected partly in their degree certificate. But none of those things, as we shall see, count as ‘impact’, which does not focus on the things ‘produced’ within the ‘factory’ of the university (the teaching and research), but instead is focused on a surplus. The model is somewhat similar to healthcare, a comparison I shall return to. In a healthcare system like the NHS the costs of wages, buildings, means of treatment, and machinery, and so on, are incurred in the ‘production’ of healthcare, i.e. the treatment of illness in the patients who present to the NHS. It may seem that the most sensible measure of whether the money was well spent would be to assess the teaching and research that emerges from the universities (or the health treatments that emerge from the NHS). But ‘impact’, as I say, looks for something else.

Definitions of impact

For the purposes of the Research Excellence Framework (REF), the latest manifestation of the government’s periodic research-monitoring scheme, ‘impact’ is defined in the following terms. (‘Impact’ is also assessed as part of research grant applications to bodies such as the AHRC, and is often slightly nuanced in its definitions in each particular context, but the broad outlines of all conceptions of ‘impact’ match this.)

Impact is defined as an effect on, change or benefit to the economy, society, culture, public policy or services, health, the environment or quality of life, beyond academia (as set out below).

[…]

  • Impacts on research or the advancement of academic knowledge within the higher education sector (whether in the UK or internationally) are excluded. […]
  • Impacts on students, teaching or other activities within the submitting HEI are excluded
  • Other impacts within the higher education sector, including on teaching or students, are included where they extend significantly beyond the submitting H[igher] E[ducation] I[nstitution]

In a certain sense the language sounds reasonable, the demands fair: surely universities should have an effect on society or culture. But as can be seen from the emphases I have added, ‘impact’ specifically does not measure the teaching and research that is being paid for actually within universities: that means that ‘impact’ does not include the changes a scholar makes on the lives of the students they teach or the colleagues they interact with, through their research, around the world. ‘Impact’ measures instead the surplus value generated in the process of producing teaching and research, some uses of which I will elaborate below.

The unreasonable nature of this demand can be seen clearly if we translate the process into healthcare terms. In the ordinary sense of the word, we might measure the impact of a heart surgeon’s work by the number of people whose lives she saves by carrying out heart surgery. But this is work for which the surgeon is paid, and for which the facilities are maintained: this is the value of the surgeon’s work (the £10 of the original calculation), but what ‘impact’ is looking for is the surplus-value of that work, an unforeseen, additional £2. The definition of a surgeon’s ‘impact’ would be, to translate the REF’s terms, ‘an effect on, change or benefit to the economy, society, culture, public policy or services, the environment or quality of life, beyond the healthcare profession’. So, the surgeon might have to demonstrate that her work inspired a television company to film her operations (and so made a profit, as a television production company), or led to a major exhibition at a museum of the history of medicine (which, again, made a profit through ticket sales), and so on.

There are only two obvious reasons why anyone in the higher education system could possibly support the assessment of ‘impact’. The first is that they haven’t thought it through to see how ludicrous its definition is (in fact, many people have criticized it, in print and in public speeches, in precisely these terms). The second reason is that they support the economic model that it exemplifies and helps to drive.

The ideological logic of impact

The assessment of ‘impact’ should, I think, be understood for what it is: the imposition of a capitalist productive logic on the working lives of universities, as a necessary background to their privatization. For one last time a glance at the NHS can help to clarify this development. What started, decades ago, as the private-sector outsourcing of cleaning, cooking, and other non-medical services has become, under the latest legislation, the compulsory putting out to tender (i.e. giving to private hands) of core medical services (read this). Similarly, the non-academic services of universities are in a long process of transition into public/private ‘partnership’, more advanced in some universities than in others; and the front-line academic service provision – the teaching of students – is taking baby steps into the private sector, as the BSc in Business and Enterprise taught by the gigantic education business Pearson and validated as a degree by Royal Holloway, University of London, exemplifies.

There is no ostensible link between the assessment of ‘impact’ and the development of private degree programmes, except at this one crucial theoretical level: the ‘impact’ agenda requires universities to generate surplus value, which is then measured. If surplus value falls below a certain acceptable level, the universities are penalized. And this surplus value is an alchemical byproduct of the academic ‘production’ of universities, a possibility either for spin-off industries – such as private research labs that stand to make a profit from the development of drugs or technology – or indeed for private education companies to use the brand identity of a university to sell a degree. In the case of the Pearson degree, RHUL does no teaching but the surplus value of RHUL’s own teaching and research activity creates a bonus, the aura of a piece of paper, a degree certificate, which can be sold for private profit. Expertise paid for in the public sector is then leeched off by the private sector, which does not invest in the perpetuation of the expertise but merely benefits from its surplus value.[1]

I have made several comparisons to the NHS in this post, but there is one significant difference between universities and the healthcare profession, which should worry academics, who should do something about it, and the general public, who should demand that we do. In the health service, professional bodies are fighting the government, while in universities the voices of individuals, which are often eloquent (Stefan Collini is one of the most vocal: see this LRB piece and his book), are ignored by their vice chancellors and the directors of research funding councils, both of whom are almost (not entirely, but almost) entirely complicit with the government’s agenda.

It seems like a reasonable, moderate, realistic response to current political pressures (‘We simply have to explain how we are providing value-for-money: it is economically and politically naive, in a time of general austerity, to refuse to justify our existence economically.’). In reality it is nothing of the sort. The ‘impact’ agenda is not merely a crass annoyance. We academics are not being asked to justify the economic value of the work we do. We are asked to demonstrate the surplus value of the work we do. And we would be fooling ourselves to think that our universities – the universities, I mean, that are owned by the citizens of this country – will have any control over that surplus value once it is produced. Not just because it is unreasonable and wrong-headed but because it proceeds according to a logic of economic exploitation and the transfer of public funds into private hands, we should oppose the ‘impact’ agenda by main force.


  1. The economic model of scholarly presses is, incidentally, the same: they do not pay for the writing, reviewing, or editing of the books and journals they publish. Universities pay for that first through the salaries of their scholars. And they pay a second time, through the cost of the books and journal subscriptions. The publishers sit in a blessed middle ground, feeding off the surplus value, without having to invest anything in the production of their goods. It is unsurprising that the current favoured model for making scholarship ‘open access’, i.e. freely available to all on the internet, is to provide a means of maintaining the publishers’ profit, by charging scholars for the honour of having their work published at all. Once again, the economic system is left unquestioned.

Aspects of Modernism in Elgar’s Music

When I first argued that Elgar’s music was modernist (in the appropriately named book Edward Elgar, Modernist), it was on the basis that the form of his musical argument, as manifested in his treatment of elaborate formal schemes such as sonata form, enabled him to present distinctively modernist ruminations on questions of identity in modernity. Since then I have revolutionized my view of modernism, and when I was invite to contribute to a special Elgar issue of a German journal, I took the opportunity to reformulate my reading of Elgar’s modernism in the light of my new theory.

The resulting essay text is presented in English below, both as a web page and as a downloadable PDF: Harper-Scott2013. The German version is published in print, and is therefore in a fixed form, but there is no reason why the English version should not be modified in the light of community comments, so feel free to email me, or use the comments box at the foot of this page.

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Aspects of Modernism in Elgar’s Music by J. P. E. Harper-Scott is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Unported License.

Aspects of Modernism in Elgar’s Music


Aspects of Modernism in Elgar’s Music. Published as ‘Facetten der Moderne in Elgars Musik’, Kusik-Konzepte 159 (Edward Elgar), edited by Ulrich Tadday (2013): 96–120.

For most of the time that people have been listening to his music, Strauss’s 1902 insistence that Elgar was ‘the first English progressivist’ has seemed at best a little odd, at worst ludicrous after the advances in Vienna in the next decade, but it would be fair to say that a majority of musicologists writing on Elgar since the mid-to-late 1990s agree in some sense that he was indeed a modernist composer. This is a result of a more general move in musicological studies on the Western classical peripheries (principally Britain and Scandinavia), which have greatly expanded the possible extent of the technical features of modernism.[1]

Most of these studies are analytical in nature: it seems to be generally agreed that however else he or anyone else may exhibit modernist credentials – through engagement with the tropes of broader artistic modernism at the level of overt narrative, say – it is in the technical features of his music that Elgar’s modernism principally lies. We might contrast this often deeply submerged technical detail with what the listener experiences in the ‘sounding surface’ of his music, a sound world that most listeners would probably more closely associate with Brahms and Wagner (it used to be the habit to point also to Mendelssohn and Spohr, among others) more than Schoenberg, Bartók, Stravinsky, et al.

Critics of recent studies of British modernism[2] seize on this emphasis on the technical as a means of undermining the argument. Surely, the argument goes, this music is not modernist: scholars are merely stretching all useful definitions of modernism – emancipation of dissonance and so forth – beyond any sensible limit in order to include their own favourite repertoire in the modernist canon. This question can, I think, be answered, and the work done by recent scholars of British modernism integrated into a theory that resists the traditional binary whereby music is either modernist or not, replacing it with a dialectical model which relates all music to the Event of modernism in a radically different way.[3] The case of Elgar, a composer whose relation to modernity and modernism has a complex character, is as illuminating as any in this context.

A political theory of modernism

Any attempt to clarify an ostensibly odd form of the phenomenon must sooner or later deal with the fundamental question: ‘What is modernism?’ For reasons that will become clear I would like to offer a definition seemingly at odds with all expectation. Modernism is the artistic configuration which forms part of the twentieth-century’s resurrection of the truth claims of the French Revolution. Politically, the temporal frame in which modernism operates broadly coincides with what I shall call the truth-Event of communism.[4] I begin with this premiss since it creates the possibility of interrogating the political intelligibility of modernist music, specifically by using recent theoretical articulation of the idea of communism in the work of Alain Badiou.[5]

Badiou isolates two communist sequences.[6] The first sequence ran from the French Revolution to the Paris Commune (c.1792–1871). The second communist sequence is the one during which pre- and post-war modernism was at its height, running from the Russian Revolution in 1917 to the end of the Cultural Revolution in China in 1976. Between these sequences lies the belle époque, which Badiou describes as ‘forty years of triumphant imperialism […] the apogee of the bourgeoisie, which occupied the whole planet, laying waste and pillaging whole continents’.[7] In such intervals between communist sequences Badiou notes that the communist hypothesis is disparaged both in its last attempt at realization and at the roots of its claims to truth. We live in such an interval now, a period of a Fukuyaman ‘end of history’.[8]

The formulation of a new theory of modernism I present here will interleave a simple introduction to Badiou’s theory of truth with a musical application of the general theory.

What Badiou calls ‘truth’ is simply the infinity not accounted for by the situation in which human beings currently exist and speak and think: that truth might even be explicitly discountenanced by the present situation. When a fragment of truth crosses over into the situation, an Event has occurred, and the new fragment of the truth has a revolutionary effect on the situation: it must be accounted for in some form or other.

Communism and modernism are Events in the sense that they bring something external to bear on their pre-existing political or artistic situation. Of course not every subjective response to a truth-Event such as communism or modernism is faithful to the Event in the sense that it accepts the universal validity of the claims to truth and works to bring them about in the situation or world. Faithfulness is only one response to an Event, and for Badiou, subjects can be faithful, reactive, or obscure.[9] But it is a central claim that after the articulation or rearticulation (an idea that will be complicated below) of a truth-Event, all human subjectivity is conditioned by it in one of these three forms.

Finally, in order to express the nature of these types of subject, Badiou uses three key terms. The trace of a truth is the mark that it leaves in a situation which indicates that a truth has been proposed. The body of a truth is the presentation of the truth in the world: for instance the presentation of the truth emancipation of dissonance is a certain collection of musical works. The present or ‘Evental present’ is the set of consequences of a truth having acted on a world.

Faithful and reactive subjects

Badiou’s first example of the faithful subject occurs in the Spartacus revolts of 73BC.[10] The Event in this instance is the initial slave revolt, and the trace of it could be expressed in the statement ‘we slaves, we want to return home’. A group of slaves form a body, in this case an army, which operate in a new present in which they are no longer slaves. They create for a moment a situation in which the fate of the wretched of the world is revoked – there is a new present.

The subject produces the truth only by taking a series of decisions to treat some points, such as ‘should we march south or attack Rome?’ Some points are acted on, others not, so the body is never wholly in the present, and the body of the truth is therefore divided. We might say that the faithful body knows its limits, knows that it is not solely a guarantor of the efficacy of the revolution. In the same way, not all of Schoenberg’s music equally presents the truth emancipation of dissonance and not all of Strauss’s equally fails to. This means that, from the perspective of this theory, one cannot say ‘Stravinsky is tout court a faithful modernist’, but only that from time to time certain of his musical gestures respond faithfully to the modernism-Event.

When Badiou turns to the second subjective response to truth, the argument turns definitively towards an optimistic ‘proof’ of the universality of truth and the hope for revolutionary emancipatory change. The normal assumption is that what resists the new is the old. But this view underestimates reactionary novelties, which means forms of resistance that are appropriate to the novelty itself; with these goes the subjective form that produces reactionary novelties, the reactive subject.

Badiou insists that despite its refusal to be incorporated into the new present, the trace of the truth makes its mark on the reactive subject, the conservative refusal to accept a real change. In the Spartacus example, this negated trace takes the form ‘a body of slaves cannot produce an effective rebellion’: that is, the success of the faithful subject is denied as something that is not realistic, and therefore cannot be realized, in this world. But while the reactive subject negates the Evental trace, it nevertheless still produces something, ‘a measured present, a negative present, a present “a little less worse” than the past, if only because it resisted the catastrophic temptation which the reactive subject declares is contained in the event’.[11] This present is an extinguished present. So, some slaves decide that it if they do not rebel they may be rewarded by the Romans for their behaviour, and there may be certain improvements in their conditions, though not actual freedom.

Because the reactive subject specifically negates the faithful subject, the faithful subject haunts the reactive subject, and the reactive subject carries along within itself – unwittingly, as it were – the very revolutionary ideas that it is trying somehow to resist. This point will be seen to be crucial to a properly dialectical understanding of modernism, and the comprehension of all reactive music as being constituted essentially around the faithful subject of the trace emancipation of dissonance. The modernism, then, of a conservative modernist, is an unconscious subordination to the Cause.

Faithful and reactive musical modernism

The faithful subject of musical modernism is instituted by the process whereby a body of works (Moses und Aron, Lulu …) is subordinated to the trace of the Event, which by 1926 carried the name emancipation of dissonance. The result is a present in which music is no longer understood in terms of the binary of consonance and dissonance – a mimesis of ideological binaries in whose confines the human subject ‘must’ constitute itself – but in terms of a radical communism of notes, guaranteed by more or less extreme intellectual rigidity.

As in the general form of the faithful subject, the body that subordinates itself to the trace is incomplete. That means that not all elements of a particular musical work are necessarily ‘faithful’, ‘reactive’, or indeed ‘obscure’ in their subjective forms. Yet individual moments are more clearly comprehensible in subject terms, and works such as Moses und Aron and Lulu of course do fit most requirements for a modernism whose trace is emancipation of dissonance for much of the time.

The reactive subject represents the majority response in music of the twentieth century, including the music of Elgar, and a new understanding of its relation to the Evental trace makes possible a progressive intellectual and political interpretation of its materials.[12] The reactive subject subordinates the faithful subject to the denial of the Evental trace. In musical terms the negation of the emancipated dissonance is the privileging of ‘tonic’ configurations, which is to say the reassertion, to a greater or lesser degree, of the ‘centrality’ of certain relatively ‘stable’ chords (or at least pitches that exert a tonic-like gravitational pull). These tonic configurations could be literal tonics, with more or less richly furnished supplementary functions (dominant, subdominant, etc.), or ‘enriched’ tonics, for instance with an added sixth or a simultaneity of I and V that is always present in cadential motions, or else the privileging of ‘tonic’ chords within a tonal space that is minimally decentred (for instance, whole-tone music). The result of the subordination of the faithful subject is to take into the musical language some of its essential behaviours. So, rather than eradicating dissonance altogether from the final consonant configuration, the basic assertion of the trace is taken at face value. Yes, dissonance is emancipated – but not so that it can form an entirely new world in which the binary has been dispensed with. Music can be modern without being modernist and challenging the existing order.

It is a mistake to suppose that certain composers were always faithful or reactive. Billions of human beings or hundreds of musical works may respond to the Event of modernism, but there are only three subjects (faithful, reactive, and obscure). The word subject is therefore here used in a sense quite distinct from that of German Idealism, in which it is the individual thinking human being. So in musical modernism we find composers, and even works, which at different times fit different subjective forms.

The unnaturalness of musical modernism

The simplest and most productive definition of the trace of the musical modernism Event, and the one I have been using so far without explanation, is a familiar one: emancipation of dissonance. Schoenberg coined the term in 1926,[13] but I differ from him in one crucial respect. Schoenberg’s argument is essentially a defence of atonality from accusations that it presents an offence to the natural order. As he observes in an image that strikingly links his musical style with the age of modernity, the erroneous view that tonality is natural and atonality is unnatural depends on a privileging of one kind of natural feature over others.

There is no reason in physics or aesthetics that could force a musician to use tonality in order to represent his idea. […] The appeal to its origin in nature can be refuted if one recalls that just as tones pull toward triads, and triads toward tonality, gravity pulls us down toward the earth; yet an airplane carries us up away from it. A product can be apparently artificial without being unnatural, for it is based on the laws of nature to just the same degree as those that seem primary.[14]

I think Schoenberg errs in arguing a ‘natural’ basis for atonality. What the emancipated dissonance contributes to music history is a direct rebuttal of the arguments from nature, and in attempting to find an accommodation of atonality within the existing narratives of ‘natural’ music, Schoenberg’s defence of his position is in fact a reactive subjective response. The atonality argued for in ‘Opinion or Insight?’ is an atonality a little less ‘bad’ than it might at first appear, because it can be seen, like the aeroplane that continues to obey the natural laws in its defiance of the privileged force of gravity, to be as ‘natural’ as tonality – just from a different perspective.[15] What Schoenberg proposes, therefore, is a musical revolution that is assimilated within the conservative insistence that music be ‘natural’.

We should take Schoenberg’s emancipation of dissonance into a more properly revolutionary context and insist that atonality is, in fact, unnatural. It is so in a manner that helps to clarify musical modernism’s challenge to a whole range of modern ideologies that depend for their function on the fiction of a ‘natural’ state that can resist all incursions of a dangerous new truth.

What world did atonality disrupt? Emancipation of dissonance is constituted as an excess to tonality, the system of musical organization – the musical world, the discourse of that world – before the advent of modernism.[16] In its regulated control of tension and release it is manifest that tonality, more than any other structuring property of music (rhythm, timbre, etc.), has the effect of sanctioning within certain known boundaries a fundamental antagonism in music, which is taken to be ‘natural’. The central assertion of tonality is that a musical configuration is either consonant or dissonant in one of an increasingly varied number of ways – but that ultimately the stable configuration, against which everything else will be judged more or less unstable, is the consonant configuration (essentially, between Bach and Wagner, the root-position tonic chord). In this sense, tonality is an ideology of music, which functions in a comparable fashion to ideologies of class, gender, economics, and so on.

Such ideologies clarify the relation of each part to the whole in terms of an officially sanctioned tension between two and only two positions. There is normality (good, sensible, realistic) and there are its opponents (wicked, irrational, or falsely, childishly idealistic). But that official antagonism mystifies the true antagonism, which is a suppressed third term: a radical redrawing of the current situation, including its official antagonism. In tonal music we might say that the official antagonism – between consonant and dissonant configurations, which must ultimately and reassuringly be resolved into the ‘natural’ state of the former – conceals the real antagonism identified by modernism, which is that ultimately in music of the tonal kind only one hegemonic order is deemed thinkable. Modernism creates a new possibility in overwriting the antagonism officially sanctioned by tonality. Such music cannot be habituated to the ‘natural’ order: it poses a revolutionary challenge to that ideologically delimited conception of nature.

The idea of emancipation of dissonance radically redraws the space in which music can operate. Rather than a ‘natural’, ‘stable’ musical landscape in which tension between consonance and dissonance is productive but always resolved back into the ‘proper’, ‘real’, stabilized order of tonality (and pre-tonality, since the opposition is already in place by the time of Pythagoras), it proposes a space of no hegemonic order at all, an entirely unnatural[17] space of no tonic focus, insisted on with a force which, since it brooks no opposition and imposes its will with relentless force and scant regard for the views of the general population, even approximates in some ways the function of revolutionary terror. However an individual may respond to it, the rejection of a natural order to music makes the emancipation of dissonance part of the only significant revolution in musical history (one that, as I shall argue later, started a century earlier than might appear to be the case), and the defining Event of musical modernism.

Elgar’s modernity

In Edward Elgar, Modernist I suggested that Elgar’s compositional development might be conventionally split into three periods, a neo-Romantic phase (which included The Dream of Gerontius and the Variations, Op. 36), an ‘early modernist’ one (roughly from In the South to Falstaff), and a third, which I then called ‘second-stream mature modernist’.[20] Elgar is one of a number of composers to have reached compositional maturity before Schoenberg’s radical experiments in the first decade of the twentieth century and consequently it is not immediately obvious how to situate him in respect of some kind of Event which, according to Badiou’s theoretical framework, begins a reformulation of all subjective responses in a temporal ‘afterwards’. Does the Event of modernism break into Elgar’s life and compel him to become a new subject? Putting the question another way one might ask: ‘What is the metaphysical–ontological effect on a human being of the rupture of an Event?’ Fortunately I think that a relatively benign answer can be found.

The musical tools with which Elgar responded to the Event of the modernist musical revolution were being developed already in his neo-Romantic phase. What I would now prefer simply to call his modernist phase (the boundaries are fluid, but say: all the music from In the South onwards) was a period during which Elgar fitted the tools of his reaction to the new musical realities of his post-Evental modernist world, to create ‘reactionary novelties’. I have elsewhere given detailed analyses of both of his completed symphonies and the symphonic study Falstaff, which are some of his most significant contribution to a reactive-subject response to the modernist Event.[21] This Event, which only towards the end of Elgar’s life was called emancipation of dissonance, was, as I have said, itself a resurrection of the nineteenth-century emancipation of the dominant, that century’s response to the French Revolution. Consequently the musical language sits comfortably in two worlds traditionally, and I think falsely, separated by music history: the Romantic (first faithful response) and Modern (resurrection of the same). In the present essay, the tools that Elgar developed – sometimes ‘Romantic’, sometimes ‘Modern’ according to traditional music history, but always a reactive-subjective response to the modernism Event – are seen in the context of his 1904 overture, In the South.

A graph of In the South is given as Example , with a formal summary given in Table .[22]

Elgar, In the South, formal table
Section Theme Rehearsal mark Key
Exposition P1 opening–5:9 I→II→I
P2 6:1–8:13 IV
TR 9:1–10:1
S1 10:2–12:20 vi
S2 13:1–15:15 →II
C 16:1–16:20 II
Development S1 17:1–19:18 II→
Episode 1 (‘Romans’) 20:1–25:16 iv
S 26:1–29:10 vi
development of Episode 1 30:1–14 iv
31:1–33:20 →V/vi
Episode 2 (‘canto popolare’) 34:1–39:20 VI (with T2 cycle)
Recapitulation P1 40:1–43:9 I→II
S1 44:1–45:8 I
S2 46:1–48:15 I
C 49:1–50:14
Coda P2 51:1–52:24 I
P/S combinations 53:1–57:20 I
P2, then motives from P1 58:1–end IV→V→I

 

Elgar, In the South, analytical graph

 

 

Formal considerations: sonata theory

The form of the piece is, in the language of James A. Hepokoski’s and Warren Darcy’s Sonata Theory,[23] a type 3 sonata form – i.e. with full exposition, development, and recapitulation – with deformations to the generic norm in the form of no clear medial caesura or essential expositional or structural closure, and with two episodes in the development. Although deformation of the five basic sonata types[24] is a feature of musical composition throughout the period of sonata-form composition, from the late eighteenth century onwards, according to Hepokoski the issue of deformation becomes a more central and vital concern in the modern period. It is, in other words, a matter of emphasis – of maximalization of musical ideas already established at least as possibilities in the nineteenth century, as Taruskin would say.[25]

To perceive many modern works appropriately we should not try to take their measure with the obsolete ‘sonata’ gauge, as is often attempted, but rather to understand that they invoke familiar, ‘post-sonata’ generic subtypes that have undergone, in various combinations, the effects of difference deformational procedures. These structures cannot be said to ‘be’ sonatas in any strict sense: this would be grossly reductive, and in the consideration of any such work nuances are everything. Still, as part of the perceptual framework within which they ask to be understood, they do depend on the listener’s prior knowledge of the Formenlehre ‘sonata’. A significant part of their content, that is, is in dialogue with the generic expectations of the sonata, even when some of the most important features of those expectations are not realized.[26]

The effect of the deformations in In the South is variable. The lack of a clearly articulated medial caesura means that the exposition does not have a strong sense of partition into first and second subject groups, which gives the work a relatively continuous, rhapsodic character.[27] Elgar makes use of the lack of a clear division into primary and secondary thematic areas both by opening his development with the first of the secondary materials, S1, and by recapitulating the second substantial theme from the primary thematic group, P2, much later in the recapitulation than might be expected, after the closing material, C. On its first appearance in the exposition, the lyrical P2 has already something of the quality of a ‘secondary’ theme, and its final return at the most significant structural juncture of the recapitulation is redolent of the broad, romantic climaxes at the end of many Romantic piano concertos (those by Grieg and Rachmaninov are classic examples), where, after a huge build up, the second subject returns in resplendent orchestration with heart-wrenching emotional force.

To say that In the South lacks an essential expositional closure is to say that it has no moment of articulation in the secondary themes with a perfect authentic cadence – a close into a contrapuntal arrangement, with the local tonic chord in root position supporting a melodic line that has fallen to the first scale degree, . Again, the effect of this deformation, as with all of them, is to reduce the clarity of the presentation of the sonata structure, or in some cases to deny the utopian possibility – encoded as a persistent narrative in Romanticism by several of Beethoven’s symphonies – of the Classical tonal resolution. Without extremely clearly articulated tonal cadences – the most definitive of which is the contrapuntal progression , with its ‘three blind mice’ melodic descent over a root-position tonic–dominant–tonic chord progression – the form has more of a tendency to feel open and unresolved. The longer the listener waits for resolution, the stronger the resolution has to be in order to satisfy.

The treatment of tonality

The manner in which Elgar closes his tonal shapes is profoundly important for an understanding of his modernism. In Elgar’s music, the original tonic of a piece – even one that is barely evident through the majority of the movement (as in the first movement of his First Symphony, for instance) – is ultimately restored in the final bars. Yet this establishment is so dubious as to be unsatisfactory – and I think deliberately so. Far from being a throwback to a historical moment before its own time, the concluding gestures of a piece like In the South evince striking dissimilarities to even the most advanced chromatic music of the nineteenth century.

Tristan und Isolde, which is often taken to be a totem of the ‘disintegration of tonality’ and an augury of Schoenberg’s maturity, may fairly be considered the extremest point of tonal experimentation before the advent of twentieth-century modernism. Yet despite the extraordinary ends to which Wagner goes to delay tonal resolution, and so to embroil the listener in the hopeless longing of the protagonists and King Mark (whose tragedy is in some respects even greater than theirs), the conclusion eloquently ties up all the opera’s tonal loose ends (see Example ).

Wagner, Tristan und Isolde, conclusion

Wagner, Tristan und Isolde, conclusion (cont.)

Wagner, Tristan und Isolde, conclusion (cont.)

 

Isolde’s ecstatic resolution into B major at the climax of the Liebestod (the second bar of the example) is prepared by the subdominant. But the expectation built up in the Act II love duet had been for a perfect authentic cadence, with the powerful configuration: the lovers sing of their erotic union over an intense twelve-bar dominant pedal, and their vocal lines resolve to the B keynote of their desired key, but King Mark enters with his henchman and the orchestra blasts away their tonal resolution with an agonizing dissonant chord. At the end of Act III, with Tristan dead by her side, there can be no resolution of the same kind, only an embrace of Will-defying oblivion. Hence, symbolically, the plagal cadence. Five times the plagal cadence is repeated in the next thirteen bars. On its own, this repetition, with the soaring soprano melody and euphoric string countermelody, might be sufficient to provide satisfactory tonal resolution at last, after four hours of music. But emotionally, logically, narratively, Wagner must pick up the Tristan chord itself, the musical encoding of the lovers’ longing and the source of the musical language of the whole opera. So, five bars before the end of the work, the chord returns, at its original pitch, to be ‘purged’ of its original power to generate interminable longing. Its resolution, originally V/A, is now shaded to the minor to become iv/B and allow the most analysed chord in tonal music resolve plagally, the sixth such resolution. Wagner thus achieves a resolution that is perfect for his ends: the work is genuinely ended both tonally and emotionally by the resolution into B and the neutering of the Tristan chord; but it is a plagal cadence, and therefore a weaker one (the ‘amen’ quality of the plagal cadence is appropriate to the sense of resignation here: it is not the ideal end for the lovers, but so be it). The final message of the opera is therefore that longing can be satisfied in a way that is ‘satisfactory’ according to the rules of the world in which the desire operates, but not in a totally fulfilling way.

Elgar’s typical solution to the problem of resolution no doubt derives from Wagner’s but it is qualitatively different. The first movement of his First Symphony is, despite the score’s title, ‘Symphony in A’, mostly in A minor. The ostensible tonic ‘immures’ this ‘immured’ A minor, but in an unsatisfying way. The symphony’s grand, processional opening theme returns in the movement’s closing pages, but at figure 55 (see Example ) a theme associated with the immured A minor returns as a troubling reminder of that key and the challenge it poses to the hegemonic function of ‘the tonic’ A . It lingers for only four bars but it is an arresting effect. Unlike the problematic Tristan chord, this A minor is not brought within the space of the tonic, and the three brief bars of ‘tonic’ at the end of the movement do not purge the problem in the same way. The middle movements maintain the tension between immuring and immured tonics in various ways,[28] and while the finale provides a more satisfactory tonal resolution, its twitchy rhetorical gestures present enough emotional uncertainty for the ‘success’ of the form, in a pre-modernist sense, to be accepted at face value.[29]

Elgar, Symphony No. 1, close of first movement

In In the South, the tonal resolution is unusually strong for Elgar. At figure 58 the P2 theme returns on the subdominant; eight bars later it has moved to a dominant 6/4 chord, which after thirty-four bars has passed through the dominant 5/3 onto a root-position perfect cadence with five clear closing bars of the tonic. Beethoven or Brahms might do likewise. Yet as I noted earlier, this resolution is not in its orthodox position, during the S themes in the recapitulation, unless P2 here is function as a kind of S, which I have suggested that it does, in some sense. But it is in the articulation of its tonal structure as revealed by Schenkerian analysis that the movement demonstrates its reactive modernist qualities.

The interaction of tonality and form

Schenker opens his ‘General observations on sonata form’ in Free Composition with the following dictum. ‘Only the prolongation of a division (interruption) gives rise to sonata form. Herein lies the difference between sonata form and song form: the latter can also result from a mixture or a neighboring tone.’[30] Yet a glance at Example reveals that the twenty-minute sonata form of In the South not only unfolds a one-part Ursatz, but also generates the majority of its form from a neighbouring motion, in the bass, with the F rooting the immured tonic. According to Schenker’s definition, this is not sonata form at all. While we should not grant Schenker sole authority in judging what is or is not sonata form, what this means is that while ostensibly laying out a sonata structure, with a satisfactory tonal closure at the end, In the South manages both at the level of its form (as articulated by Sonata-Theory analysis) and of its structure (as articulated by a Schenkerian reading) to subvert the musical processes it is ostensibly applying. In the South does not function in the old world of tonally governed sonata form, but nor does it generate a new form or a new harmonic language (even if it gestures towards the possibility of one). It is, in short, a typical reactive response to the propositions of musical modernism, generating ‘reactionary novelties’ appropriate to the new post-Evental situation.

After a descending third-progression through the two P themes and the transition (TR), the exposition moves to a provisional new -line in F during the S materials. Again, Schenker would balk at this avoidance of in the immuring tonic: ‘The primary tone can be prolonged by means of a third-progression […] However, […] in sonata form it is imperative that the third-progression be followed by ’,[31] i.e. the dividing dominant before the interruption in the structure.[32] The establishment of the immured tonic prevents this happening.

The immured tonic itself is prolonged much more impressively through the entirety of the development than the immuring tonic had been at the opening. The ‘Romans’ episode, starting at fig. 20, and the ‘canto popolare’ episode, starting at fig. 34, provide chords III and V in a bass arpeggiation in the immured tonic. Within each of the episodes, the tonicization of first A (‘Romans’) and then C (‘canto popolare’) is accompanied by hexatonic cycling (A, C, and E in ‘Romans’ between figs 20 and 26; C and E in the ‘canto popolare’) that achieves the Schubertian effect of emancipating the immuring dominant, C, and weakening its functional force. That is to say that the introduction of the immuring tonic first destabilizes the tonic focus on E, and then its own dominant is weakened – decentred – by hexatonic coloration. The strong configuration at fig. 33, which the immuring tonic had avoided, is counteracted by the skip to a melodic at fig. 35.

This weakening of the immured tonic is necessary to allow a return to the immuring tonic to close the piece. The recapitulation resumes the immuring Ursatz, picking up the Kopfton which was left behind before fig. 5, and begins a descent to the final, orthodox cadential resolution during the P2 theme at fig. 58. The conclusion is gesturally satisfactory – it puts a brave reactive face on the extinguished present it produces – but this is not a major-mode sonata form whose support by conventional tonal structure reaches back beyond the Event to a pre-modernist musical situation. This is a work which therefore carries within its outward conservatism the marker of a musical revolution.[33]

I suggested, a moment ago, that the work gestures towards a new harmonic language. This is seen most obviously in the ‘Romans’ episode of the development. While the mildly dissonant language of this section does not bear comparison to post-Second String Quartet Schoenberg, the context is still 1904. A better comparison can be found: four weeks or so before the 22 November 1904 premiere of In the South, Mahler’s Fifth Symphony was itself premiered (18 October). The opening shrieks of Mahler’s second movement are much more like Elgar’s episode here (see Example ).[34] But the ‘new’ musical sound-world alluded to here is brought quite tidily into a tonal ambit (see Example ).

Elgar, In the South, ‘Romans’ episode, opening

Elgar, In the South, ‘Romans’ episode, opening (cont.)

Elgar, In the South, ‘Romans’ episode, opening (cont.)

Elgar, In the South, analysis of part of the ‘Romans’ episode

 

From fig. 21, the arresting dissonances that are built up from the top of the texture down, throughout the orchestra, strike the piece’s most obviously ‘modern’ note. The chord that is eventually built up here, , is a dominant thirteenth of E, one of the hexatonically related keys to the A of the ‘Romans’ episode. This highest-powered dominant is never far from a tonal centre, though it is presented sonically not simply as an upbeat to a perfect cadence but as pure, blistering, fortissimo, modernist noise. Yet it dissolves into a dominant seventh and resolves (with root-position bass motion) onto its tonic, E. The same happens with the second phrase, 21:9–16, now in C major (another T motion around hexatonic space, and a further T step away from the episode’s tonic). A repeat of the motion from fig. 21 is lightly tweaked so that the final descending third-progression now tonicizes C instead of C, and thus prepares a plagal cadence for a return of the main ‘Romans’ motif at fig. 25. Since this A functions as a part of the firm bass arpeggiation of the immured tonic F (see again Example ), both the hexatonic motions that colour the A and the ‘modernist’ gestures of its timbral presentation are drawn comfortably within the ambit of this ‘reactionary novelty’.

The essential proposition of modernism is, as it was for Romanticism, but in a new sense, the idea that the drive for emancipation can be embodied musically. The essential form this took in musical modernism was the emancipation of dissonance, a revolution which affected both the sounding surface of the music and also the formal functions which, by drawing the boundaries of the music, make a piece emerge as a distinct object within the world. Too little scholarly attention has been paid to the manner in which ‘conservative’ music rejects the propositions of ‘progressive’ music. In reactive modernist music such as Elgar’s, emancipation is presented, weighed, entertained as a possibility, but ultimately somehow reconciled with an ‘extinguished present’, a musical present ‘a little less worse’ than the modes of expression that increasingly became the avant-garde norm in the twentieth century. Yet in the emergence and taming of surface gestures and deep structural motions, the music reveals the nigh-irresistible productive power of modernism’s emancipatory claims, a promise which even its conservative opponents cannot help but bring into the wide open spaces of a new, putatively utopian world.


  1. Among recent work in this area, particularly valuable contributions include those by Daniel M. Grimley on Nielsen, Elgar, and Vaughan Williams, James Hepokoski on Sibelius and Elgar, and Philip Rupprecht on Britten: see Daniel M. Grimley, ‘Modernism and Closure: Nielsen’s Fifth Symphony’, Musical Quarterly 86, number 1 (2002): 149–73, doi:10.1093/musqtl/gdg004; ‘“Music in the Midst of Desolation”: Structures of Mourning in Elgar’s The Spirit of England’, in Elgar Studies, ed. J. P. E. Harper-Scott and Julian Rushton (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 220–37; ‘Music, Ice, and the “Geometry of Fear”: The Landscapes of Vaughan Williams’s Sinfonia Antartica’, Musical Quarterly 91, nos. 1–2 (2008): 116–50, doi:10.1093/musqtl/gdn027; ‘Landscape and Distance: Vaughan Williams, Modernism, and the Symphonic Pastoral’, in British Musical Modernism, 1890–1940, ed. Matthew Riley (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2010), 147–174; Carl Nielsen and the Idea of Modernism (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2010); James A. Hepokoski, Sibelius, Symphony No. 5, Cambridge Music Handbooks (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993); ‘Sibelius’, in The Nineteenth-Century Symphony, ed. D. Kern Holoman (New York: Schirmer, 1997), 417–49; ‘Elgar’, in The Nineteenth-Century Symphony, ed. D. Kern Holoman (New York: Schirmer, 1997), 327–44; ‘Rotations, Sketches, and the Sixth Symphony’, in Sibelius Studies, ed. Timothy L. Jackson and Veïjo Murtomäki (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 322–51; ‘Finlandia Awakens’, in The Cambridge Companion to Sibelius, ed. Daniel M. Grimley (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 61–94; ‘Gaudery, Romance, and the “Welsh” Tune: Introduction and Allegro, Op. 47’, in Elgar Studies, ed. J. P. E. Harper-Scott and Julian Rushton (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 135–171; and Philip Rupprecht, Britten’s Musical Language, volume 11, Music in the Twentieth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001). There are many other valuable contributions to questions of modernism in British music in J. P. E. Harper-Scott and Julian Rushton, editors, Elgar Studies, Cambridge Composer Studies (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007), Matthew Riley, editor, British Music and Modernism, 1895–1960 (Farnham, Surrey and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2010), and Byron Adams, ed., ‘British Modernism’, special issue, The Musical Quarterly 91, nos. 1–2 (2008). My own contributions include J. P. E. Harper-Scott, Edward Elgar, Modernist, volume 14, Music in the Twentieth Century (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006), doi:10.2277/0521862000; ‘Elgar’s Deconstruction of the Belle Époque: Interlace Structures and the Second Symphony’, in Elgar Studies, ed. J. P. E. Harper-Scott and Julian Rushton (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 172–219; ‘Vaughan Williams’s Antic Symphony’, in British Musical Modernism, 1890–1940, ed. Matthew Riley (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2010), 175–96, and most recently The Quilting Points of Musical Modernism: Revolution, Reaction, and William Walton, Music in Context (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012).  ↩
  2. In my experience, which may or may not be representative, these tend more to be expressed in departmental mutterings than published opinions.  ↩
  3. This dialectical reformulation is the essential undertaking of Harper-Scott, Quilting Points. The following sections of the present chapter draw on the theory outlined in chapter 4 of Quilting Points.  ↩
  4. A sense of what I mean by this is indicated by Eric Hobsbawm’s summary judgement of the century: ‘With the significant exception of the years from 1933 to 1945 […], the international politics of the entire Short Twentieth Century since the October revolution can best be understood as a secular struggle by the forces of the old order against social revolution, believed to be embodied in, allied with, or dependent on the fortunes of the Soviet Union and international communism.’ Eric Hobsbawm, Age of Extremes: The Short Twentieth Century, 1914–1991 (1994; repr., London: Michael Joseph, 1995), 56.  ↩
  5. Badiou’s main contributions to the development of the idea, which features throughout his writing from the 1960s onwards in various guises, and was revolutionized by his set-theoretical turn in the late 1980s, are Alain Badiou, The Meaning of Sarkozy, trans. David Fernbach (London and New York: Verso, 2008) and The Communist Hypothesis, trans. David Macey and Steve Corcoran (London and New York: Verso, 2010).  ↩
  6. Badiou, The Meaning of Sarkozy, 105.  ↩
  7. ibid., 111.  ↩
  8. Francis Fukuyama, The End of History and the Last Man (1992; repr., New York: Free Press, 2006).  ↩
  9. For reasons of brevity, I shall only discuss the first two in this essay. A fuller articulation can be found in Quilting Points.  ↩
  10. Alain Badiou, Logics of Worlds: Being and Event, 2, trans. Alberto Toscano (London and New York: Continuum, 2009), 51–4.  ↩
  11. Badiou, Logics of Worlds, 55.  ↩
  12. Such a reinterpretation is without the bounds of the present essay, but is developed in Harper-Scott, Quilting Points, passim, and especially chapter 5.  ↩
  13. Arnold Schoenberg, ‘Opinion or Insight?’, in Style and Idea: Selected Writings of Arnold Schoenberg, ed. Leonard Stein, trans. Leo Black (London: Faber, 1975), 258–64.  ↩
  14. ibid., 262.  ↩
  15. A flaw in Schoenberg’s image is that in a sense aeroplanes, the archetypal machines of modernity, no more challenge the law of gravity than a creature does when it lifts its leg from the earth to walk. The ease with which natural entities can resist gravity’s pull is an essential function of the force: without that lenience, we would be jelly on the surface of the earth.  ↩
  16. In an extended sense, pre-tonal music, with its careful if changing theorization of the relation between consonance and dissonance, forms part of a continuous development through all pre-modernist music. I say that without in any way wishing to draw parallels between tonal and pre-tonal music beyond the simple fact of their regulation of consonance and dissonance. But though that is only one connexion, it is a hugely significant one.  ↩
  17. Here I accept Taruskin’s unintended tribute to serialism and other music that emancipates the dissonance – the implication that it is unnatural in the normal, pejorative sense of that word (Richard Taruskin, ‘Does Nature Call the Tune?’, in The Danger of Music and Other Anti-Utopian Essays (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009), 46–50). When the ‘natural’ order is screwed, we need all the ‘unnatural’ intervention we can get.  ↩
  18. The at the centre of this diagram represents the Evental present.  ↩
  19. , 1–18.  ↩
  20. Harper-Scott, Edward Elgar, Modernist, 12–13.  ↩
  21. Harper-Scott, Edward Elgar, Modernist, chs 3–7, and ‘Elgar’s Deconstruction of the Belle époque’.  ↩
  22. Rehearsal figures are given in this table and the the text in the form a:b, where a indicates the rehearsal figure in the score and b the number of bars after it (so, the bar marked by the rehearsal figure 6 is given in the form 6:1).  ↩
  23. See James A. Hepokoski and Warren Darcy, Elements of Sonata Theory: Norms, Types, and Deformations in the Late Eighteenth-century Sonata (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2006).  ↩
  24. Type 1 is a sonata without development; type 2 a sonata in which what sounds like a development is interpreted after the event has having been the beginning of recapitulation, when the listener finds themself in the middle of the second subject, now in the tonic; type 3 is the ‘normal’ sonata form; type 4 is sonata rondo, and type 5 is the extended form found, for instance, in Mozart’s piano concertos.  ↩
  25. For a full development of the meaning of the word maximalization, see the spectacularly tendentious interpretation of modernism in Richard Taruskin, Music in the Early Twentieth Century, volume 4 of The Oxford History of Western Music (2005; repr., Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2010).  ↩
  26. Hepokoski, Sibelius, Symphony No. 5, 5.  ↩
  27. On the medial caesura, see Hepokoski and Darcy, Elements of Sonata Theory: Norms, Types, and Deformations in the Late Eighteenth-century Sonata, ch. 1.  ↩
  28. See Harper-Scott, Edward Elgar, Modernist, ch. 3, for an analysis of this.  ↩
  29. The final presentation of the tonic C major in Elgar’s ‘symphonic study’ Falstaff is even more radical: the single final bar of tonic is utterly divorced from any tonal context that would support it. Consequently it not only fails to restore to centre stage the protagonist it represents: it makes a cruel mockery of the very hope for redemption. See J. P. E. Harper-Scott, ‘Elgar’s Invention of the Human: Falstaff, Op. 68’, 19th-Century Music 28, number 3 (2005): 230–253, doi:10.1525/ncm.2005.28.3.230.  ↩
  30. Heinrich Schenker, Free Composition, trans. Ernst Oster, volume III, New Musical Theories and Fantasies (New York: Longman, 1979), 134.  ↩
  31. Schenker, Free Composition, 134.  ↩
  32. With a -line the situation is slightly different for Schenker, but not substantially so. ‘A linear progression can also depart from […] but only a continuation to or fulfills the basic requirement of a first section of a sonata form’ (, 135).  ↩
  33. In different ways, both of Elgar’s symphonies operate in the same way.  ↩
  34. A more familiar comparison is to Strauss’s Don Juan, whose massive opening upward thrusts Elgar’s score mirrors.  ↩

Why is there so little temperate talk around transsexualism?

The current top hit on the Guardian’s ‘Comment is Free’ site is this piece by Julie Burchill, which defends Suzanne Moore from charges of ‘transphobia’. I’m unimpressed by the language of the piece, and her implication that the people she is battling are academics is wide of the mark, but I recognize it as a voice of dissent against a very strongly asserted liberal position, and want to consider its position more thoughtfully, as a leftist feminist, than I’ve so far seen in the instant, reflex, super-animated, and rather boring Twitter condemnations of Burchill.

One of the most interesting ironies of the now very frequent attacks that are made, generally on Twitter, generally by people who call themselves leftists, Marxists, and gender theorists, is that they use a Latinate insult word, ‘cis’, as part of their claim that (an apparently monolithic class of) other people are privileged. I don’t accuse them of hypocrisy, since I’m sure that not all of them are privately educated, and even state-educated people like me know what ‘cis’ means without having studied Latin at school, but I’m concerned for other reasons. I see only a qualified leftism, no Marxism, and a rather confused gender theory in a position that insists both on a position called ‘cis’ and on a linking of that position with ‘privilege’.

The first reason to find the insistence that ‘cis’ people are privileged relative to ‘trans’ people unpersuasive is this. Identification with the gender behaviours that society insists are proper to one’s biological sex – which is what ‘cisgender’ means – is quite evidently not a ‘privilege’. It is not a ‘privilege’, for instance, to be a woman who identifies with socially sanctioned behaviours such as accepting lower pay, leaving work to take sole responsibility for children, submitting to men in every public and private sphere, and so on. It is not a ‘privilege’ to be thrown into the ridiculous performative space of gender construction, whoever you might be. It is a curse, a humiliating and degrading undergoing of ideological torture. And ‘trans’ people are actually caught up in the same struggle, not a different one, since in the same way that a straight, gay, bi, whatever individual of a ‘cis’ biological sex has to juggle the competing urges of a perceived social pressure and a personally felt desire to link body and behaviour in some acceptable sense, ‘trans’ people too are finding ways to negotiate – with more or less medical assistance – the same cultural and personal pressures. Everybody, irrespective of their body and its ‘trans’ or ‘cis’ state, is in the same boat. So the insistence that it is ‘easier’ to be ‘cis’, or that ‘cis’ people ought to pipe down a bit because they don’t understand the pain of ‘trans’ people is really not a very good argument. I wouldn’t encourage it, but it would in many ways be easier, in fact, to argue that it is ‘trans’ people, who declare their ill-fittingness with ideologically forced associations between gender and sex, who are the ‘privileged’ ones, since it is they who are resisting the ideological pressure and campaigning (as those who enter into the ‘trans’ v. ‘cis’ wars do) for a privileged status as the only position of suffering in respect of a human body. Rather than pitting ‘trans’ against ‘cis’ in the way that people who use those terms do, it would be more profitable to recognize that everyone, even those who don’t experience their relation to their gender as essentially antagonistic or traumatic, is subject to the same forces, is potentially suffering in the same way. (I sometimes hear that only ‘trans’ people suffer verbal or public abuse because of their genitals. Not true: ask any schoolboy worried about the size of his penis or any schoolgirl who is told her vagina is disgusting because she hasn’t shaved her pubes. And why are genitals more of a worry than facial birthmarks, hare-lips, etc.?)

At the very least, the battle lines that are currently drawn have the effect of producing a hierarchy of suffering in respect of gender, with one, more or less arbitrarily selected, group at the top. And within the specific confines of the difficulty experienced by every human being in respect of their gender identity, it should surely be possible to appreciate that, from outside, that insistence looks rather selfish.

The nub of the problem, as seen from the perspective of feminists outside of the circle of people who talk about ‘trans’ and ‘cis’ as a dialectical pair, is precisely this. If you are ‘cis’, then – according to the main argument that is used against ‘transphobic feminists’ – it doesn’t matter what sex, class, nationality, race, disability, etc. you have: you are de facto speaking from a position of ‘privilege’. So we can chuck Marx, or any subtle theories of ideological interpellation, of structures of power, out of the window. It is straightforward to imagine how, with little exaggeration, this blanket assertion might appear to a ‘cis’ person. It means that if you’re happy with your body, you should pipe down. That is unless, of course, you had to have surgery to reach a stage of being happy with your body. Then, even though you are now happy with your body, you’re allowed not to pipe down, because you were formerly not happy with your body. But you were formerly not happy with your body in an approved way: you were ‘trans’. If you are today, or were formerly unhappy with your body because your breasts were too small/large, your nose too small/large, and you suffered bullying among your peers or from your family or husband or whatever, but you are ‘cis’, then you are still on the piping-down side of the divide, because you are not ‘trans’. If, as ‘cis’, you change your body to conform to the expectations of the people whom you feel to be causing you pain, that is not the same as the ‘trans’ experience of changing a body to conform to personally felt pressures (however much or little those are inflected by societal pressures). ‘Trans’ people are forever on the non-piping-down side, however much or little they are anxious in the face of ideological pressures; ‘cis’ people are forever on the piping-down side, however much or little they are anxious in the face of ideological pressures: there is a hierarchy of suffering, and anybody who speaks against this hierarchy is a ‘transphobe’.

I support ‘trans’ people’s decisions in respect of the ideological gender pressures they feel, because they are equal sufferers with all of us in this particular cultural disease. There are some people who don’t support these decisions, just as there are some people who don’t support feminist or gay activism. But just as not all ‘trans’ people are misogynist (which is an accusation sometimes levelled against them), not all feminists who (a) support ‘trans’ people who want to redefine their relationship to gender and sexuality but (b) want to keep talking about the pressures that led to that decision, and that lead to more universal human suffering in respect of the same pressures – not all those people are ‘transphobic’. If we can’t talk in an open, intellectual way about the pressures that cause people to suffer, and to take action to limit the effects of that suffering wherever they can, then we are in an impoverished space. The attempt to shut down discussion by labelling it ‘phobic’ is ungenerous and contrary to belief in free speech, but it is also unhealthy.

When Suzanne Moore says that all women essentially feel the pressure to comform to the beauty ideal of a Brazilian transsexual, a response that is sensitive to the cultural pressures that she is talking about would not be, as has been seen, a harrying of her until she left Twitter under the cloud of ‘transphobic’ shame. It should be something more like this: ‘It is clear that in our society women – and men too – are essentially required to aim for a standard of beauty or of conformity to some other kind of expectation that requires high levels of bodily intervention. While some individuals may feel individually comforted by their transition into such a form, that possibility is neither open to everyone nor desirable as a universal experience. Surely we shouldn’t live in a culture which makes mere bodily existence a locus for trauma. So we should consider the cultural pressures that lead people, fairly universally, to feel demeaning pressures of this kind, and which lead people to feel the need for medical intervention to be happier inside their bodies. We should remain sympathetic in the moment of their anxiety with individuals who want to change their noses or breasts or genitals, etc., in response to these pressures, but we should consider, with them, the effects of their decisions in contributing to new forms of cultural pressure, new visions of “normality”, of which the figure of the Brazilian transexual is merely an eye-catching example.’

We should be able to have these discussions without recourse to abuse. We can be angry, by all means, but the correct focus of the anger, as Marxists and gender theorists know (and which is why I find so little of either in this debate), is the symbolic structure, the ideology, the structure of power itself, not our joint sufferers under its terrible sway. The language of ‘cis’ and ‘trans’ is bandied about simply to enable subdivisions that encourage argument. It doesn’t matter whether anyone is a ‘cis’ or ‘trans’ slave to ideologies of gender: the arbitrary separation into the two groups doesn’t change the fact that everyone is a slave – except insofar as the distraction tactic prevents the real theoretical argument, about the very arbitrariness of it all, to continue in an open and fruitful way that would be of benefit to all people.

Academic new-year resolutions: email

Gmail logo

Email is one of the principal blights of modern life for working people. Every day I receive around a hundred that require action of some kind, and many more that can simply be read and archived or else just deleted. Practically, it’s difficult to find ways of keeping up with emails, but I think it’s also worth reflecting on the too-little-remarked moral aspect of email management.

Since the balance of kinds of emails I receive and kinds of ways I need to deal with them depend very much on my job, as an academic, the kind of general advice on how to deal with email that can be read in today’s useful Guardian piece on achieving ‘inbox zero’ is perhaps in need of refinement. So I offer this post blending practical and moral advice for academics in the hope that it might be useful, and that before the new term begins it might even encourage a change of behaviour. I suggest that changing the way we handle email is not only helpful in reducing our own stress levels, but makes us better colleagues and teachers in a number of important ways.

My advice is essentially twofold: to respect the hours of the working week, and to use a package to manage the timing of your emails. I’ll expand on these point by point, but a preliminary bit of advice is simpler: use Gmail, or if you don’t want to, then manage your email in a Gmail style. That is, use your computer like a computer, not like a card filing system. Don’t organize email into an elaborate system of folders that are intended to help you find things later. Simply put everything into a single archive folder and let your computer search for what you need. This will save a lot of time, and if you get into the the habit of hitting the ‘archive’ button as soon as an email has been dealt with (and ‘dealing with’ email doesn’t simply mean writing a reply, as I’ll make clear under point 2), you’ll find your relationship with email transformed. (Tips on how to switch to Gmail, which still makes it possible to retain your existing university email address and appear to send from that if you wish, can be provided in comments below, if anyone would like them.)

1. Respect the 9–5, Monday–Friday, working week

In saying this, I’m not suggesting that you change your working hours, only that you ensure that your emails are sent during these hours (point 2 will explain how to do this by magic). The most important reason to do this, I think, is because it is at best vulgar and at worst bullying behaviour not to. You should never, ever, send an email outside these hours, if you want to be a good colleague. I think it is vital to be absurdly legalistic about this, or else you’ll just allow yourself the odd transgression, which soon enough becomes compulsive, destructive behaviour.

In the first term of my current job, in 2005, like every young lecturer, I worked hideous hours to prepare lecture courses for the first time, keep on top of the paperwork for meetings, and deal with all the teaching requirements. I didn’t do a scrap of research because there wasn’t time. I was up at 6:00 and in bed at 1:00, cooking only at weekends – vast, freezerable meals – and heating up swiftly during the week. I overworked, because I was just starting out in the career and – a pretty universal experience – had totally insufficient induction into a job that we’re simply presumed to know how to do (I’ll leave that for another blogpost). But what made things worse was that, as I finally finished preparing the morning’s lecture at 11:30pm, I’d switch on email and find a lively discussion, taking place in real time, about a meeting that was to happen the next day; or about an application for research funding within the department that it was clear I was meant to chip in on – and I felt very strong pressure to respond, to stay up till 1:00am responding to emails of this kind, so that I appeared to be doing my job well and keeping up with expectations. It made me ill, but I kept at it. Who wouldn’t? I was on a two-year contract and wanted to prove my worth.

Of course, if I’d told my colleagues that they were ruining my life in this way, they’ve have reassured me, completely honestly, that I didn’t need to respond to emails at that time of night, that they just happened to be writing then but didn’t expect anyone else to reply. But while that is all perfectly true, it’s incredibly short-sighted to think that this behaviour doesn’t have an effect, primarily on younger colleagues, who, let’s be honest, are terrified by their responsibilities and their senior colleagues, however warm, chummy, and solicitous they might be. But it also affects colleagues with caring responsibilities for parents or children, or colleagues who simply want to work their contracted hours, 37.5 a week or so, who have friends and family they spend evenings and weekends with – and rightly so.

We all work outside of the 9–5 hours, if not always then sometimes; and we all have different working practices. I don’t suggest that we should change them. I tend to start and finish work much earlier than my colleagues, and I’ve been guilty of sending clumps of emails at 7:00am when I start to blitz my inbox. But I’ve made an effort to stop. Ultimately, emailing outside office hours, which is never necessary, and applies pressure to other people, is boastful. ‘Look at me working at 11:45pm on a Saturday night: see how much more committed to the job I am than you are’ – or, at best, less cynically, ‘See how committed we all are, because we’re all working at 11:45pm on a Saturday night’. The motivations vary. A high-paid professor might want to demonstrate the hard graft they’re putting in for their salary; a junior lecturer might want to show that as well as churning out their REFable research items, they’re ‘being a good colleague’. But the result is that everyone contributes to an environment of high, even mounting pressure to write emails in every waking hour. Even bed and the toilet are not refuges from the constant nagging, and if you have an iPhone in your pocket, your colleagues are there too, biting at your giblets and demanding swift action. You don’t have to have Marxist views of the importance of restricting the hours of the working day to find certain aspects of email behaviour grotesque.

Accepting the need to respect the hours of the working week has consequences. If you want a reply to something by Monday, make sure it’s sent on Thursday. You have no right to require other people to work at weekends, even if you want to do so yourself, so if you send something on a Friday, the earliest time you can expect a response is Tuesday – or if Monday is a big teaching day, then Wednesday, and so on. (This applies also to students, who should consider being more patient and realistic. As Elizabeth Eva Leach tells her students at the start of their first term, musicology is not the fourth emergency service.)

There really is never a good reason to email outside these hours. If someone wants you to respond by 5pm on a certain day, and you don’t get the work done till 10pm, it doesn’t help to send it then. Be properly late: time the email to arrive at 9am next day.

2. Use Boomerang

Boomerang is a browser plugin that was designed for Gmail but it now also works with Outlook, if you don’t want to switch (though, again, I recommend that you do). The brilliant thing about it is that you don’t need your computer switched on for it to work, because it works at the server end (i.e. in the virtual world where the invisible little email postmen live). Unlike other services, you don’t need to be around – beyond a certain point you don’t actually need to be alive – to manage your emails. It is a godsend that I cannot recommend highly enough. With it, you can ensure both that you respect the week’s working hours and that you keep on top of your emails, doing your job better, keeping any remaining hair, and being of more use to your colleagues and students. It achieves various jobs, though I’ll give a few pointers to just the two main ones. Hopefully this will seem exciting and useful without giving a feeling of overload.

Boomerang

2.1. Time email delivery

It’s good to clear emails as soon as practically possible, but to delay their delivery so that people don’t know you’re on email right now, or so that they don’t have to file the message away somewhere themselves and deal with it when they need to.

(a) To help yourself

It’s galling enough to open the inbox and find 50 messages to deal with on a Monday morning. You don’t want to generate more while you’re clearing everything away. With Boomerang, instead of hitting ‘send’, hit ‘send later’, and schedule the delivery for 5pm that day, or any time you like. If the email in question doesn’t need to reach its recipient until 2pm the following Thursday, schedule it for then. The point is not to send emails immediately, because someone is likely to respond while you’re still clearing your inbox. If you’ve got 50 emails to deal with, don’t generate another 20 that will arrive while you’re in the process of responding.

(b) To help others

If someone says ‘please reply by a fortnight on Thursday, so I can collate responses and send them on to the Dean’, time your reply to arrive on or near that date. They’ve got a number of things to pull together at the same time, and you will make their task of organizing it easier if you send your email near the time they want it.

2.2. Don’t just reply: schedule replies and follow-ups

Replying to an email is only the most obvious thing to do with it, and the thing that causes most stress. We often don’t think we can get an email out of our inboxes unless we’ve replied to it properly. But emails require different sorts of response. If a student writes with a quick query about an assignment, it’s generally OK to write two lines and send it immediately (using the delayed sending function if it’s outside the 9–5 window). If a colleague writes something that requires a quick response, I’d still recommend timing delivery at 5pm, so that you don’t get more email interruptions during the day.

But suppose that properly responding to an email will take 4 hours of work. You need to schedule. I don’t timetable every moment of my working week, but I do set aside regular times for recurring jobs like writing references, doing my main administrative work, providing journal and book reports, and so on. These are blocks of time set aside in my working week, and I try to keep them adjusted more or less in line with how much time I realistically have to spend on these tasks each week, so that I more or less keep on top of them.

If an email comes in that requires that kind of lengthy response, Boomerang it. The email will leave your inbox and come back at a time you specify, this being the time that you can properly deal with the message. I Boomerang files for meetings, emails containing documents I need to deal with as director of the Masters programme, and so on. The email has been properly and responsibly dealt with, and the inbox has shrunk.

Sometimes we need to check that someone else has followed up on an email we’ve sent, for instance if we’re sending a grant proposal to someone we’re working with. If we need to know their response within, say, a fortnight, by ticking a box in Boomerang we can have the message, and all its responses (the ‘conversation’, as Gmail calls it), returned to the inbox at a time we specify – and the time will be, probably, the slot in that week when we’re scheduled to do that particular admin or research task. Boomerang is even clever enough that it will, if you ask it to, only return the conversation to your inbox if your correspondent hasn’t replied by that date.

Again, schedule delivery of your emails. If you won’t have time to deal with any responses to your grant proposal in next week’s research slot, because you’ve got to do something else then, time delivery for after next week’s slot, so you can Boomerang your colleague’s response for proper treatment a week later.

Summary

It’s important, both for our own comfort and to be a good citizen, to manage email efficiently and with attention to others. The latter is really the point I want to press, since I don’t think people admit readily enough that their email behaviour applies ugly and destructive pressure on others. Using Gmail and Boomerang I seldom achieve ‘inbox zero’, that state of nirvana when everything has been done – but I very regularly indeed have fewer than 10 emails in my inbox. Boomerang is free to try, then costs about £20 for Outlook, as a one-off payment, or a couple of quid a month to use with Gmail. The email support is excellent: prompt, detailed, friendly, effective. Give it a go.

Intimations of morality

Review of Ralph Vaughan Williams, The Pilgrim’s Progress, English National Opera. Published in the Times Literary Supplement, 23 November 2012, p. 18.


“What is truth?”, asks Pontius Pilate as, clutching his enormous prosthetic breasts, he waves nipple tassels at the Pilgrim. In ENO’s new staging of Vaughan Williams’s “morality” (not, he said, an opera) on John Bunyan’s allegory, the director Yoshi Oida takes a step beyond the composer’s intention that the work should “appeal to anybody who aims at the spiritual life whether he is Christian, Jew, Buddhist, Shintoist or 5th Day Adventist”. As well as bringing Eastern religions into the spiritual space of the work, the production manages, with only one notable misjudgement, to permit an ambiguous secular parable to emerge.

Bunyan’s tale occupied Vaughan Williams from 1906, when he first composed music for twelve episodes, to 1952, as he revised it a year after its premiere. Appropriately for a work which spans a period from the gorgeous lyricism of the Norfolk Rhapsodies to the discomfiting visions of the Sixth Symphony, the piece offers a kind of smorgasbord of Vaughan Williams’s mature compositional styles, each of which turns out to be well suited to different episodes in the Pilgrim’s journey. Rapturous opening and closing hymn tunes present the framing device of Bunyan in prison, narrating his doubly mediated “similitude of a dream”, while the composer’s darker, post-war language is reserved for the confrontation with Apollyon and the excess of Vanity Fair.

Central to the conception of this staging is Bunyan’s blurring of the difference between dream and reality. This becomes more pronounced as the evening proceeds. Act Four and the epilogue are set entirely in the prison building where Bunyan first appears. While the libretto has the Pilgrim directed towards the Celestial City, on stage the prisoner is being prepared for execution by electric chair. This straightforwardly realistic denouement had been grotesquely prefigured at Vanity Fair, at the high point of this production’s least realistic passage of action, and it is only when the dead prisoner rises from his chair to resume the voice of Bunyan for the epilogue that the minimal distance between dream and reality is clarified. As a metaphor added to the existing Christian metaphor of the journey, and here in its final stages the crossing of a river, this staging makes perfect logical sense. And as well as responding to the epilogue’s exhortation to the audience to “turn up [its] metaphors” and interpret the tale for itself, it gives an inner dramatic motion to music which, while some of the most beautiful in the work, perhaps lacks the necessary theatrical force to guarantee a satisfactory experience in the opera house.

The fantastical first half is managed with almost as much success. The Pilgrim’s ritual initiation is achieved by fire, water, and a little t’ai chi. Allegorical figures like Pliable, Obstinate, Mistrust, and Timorous carry name placards so that we miss neither their specific individual significance nor the dreamlike surrealism of their intervention. The high point of the evening is the scene with the gigantic Apollyon, two storeys high and controlled by puppeteers on stage and scaffolds. He is imagined as a kind of massive, demonic vacuum cleaner, with thick hoses for legs and a suction tube for a mouth. His body is a mass of rags, perhaps the last surviving parts of the human souls he has sucked into oblivion. He is given menacing voice by Mark Richardson, singing through a tube, which, typically for the ingenuity of this staging, both echoes the modelling of the puppet and also provides a Fafneresque awesomeness to his music, which somehow exerts itself over the deafening brass writing.

The production’s one disappointment is the treatment of Vanity Fair in the next scene, which betrays a limited directorial conception both of puritanical morality and of the possibilities for contemporary allegory. At Vanity Fair everything, including human souls, is for sale, but for the director only one thing stands out: sex. Specifically it is gender-bending sex, or rather sexual identity, that has the upper hand. Bunyan’s phantasmagoric political protest is reduced to a false presumption that puritanism was only concerned with sex, and I am not sure what the negative portrayal of transexuals and camp Asian dancers – representative of all that is base and venal – is meant to communicate to contemporary audiences. And there are obvious alternative staging decisions the director could have taken here. For instance, while certainly unsurprising, a staging of the scene which populated the stage with bankers, CEOs and so on, would at least have had an allegorical point to make. The crossdressing, pouting, and mock buggery of this scene are not only curiously reactionary in the attitude they present to alternatives to conventional heterosexual behaviour but also intellectually lazy. (I suppose it could be noted for balance that the director did at least avoid the two dullest contemporary directorial fixations: Nazis and gang rape.)

Musically, every contribution is excellent. The orchestra, vigorously conducted by Martyn Brabbins, is radiant when it needs to be and hair-raisingly loud at the moments of high drama, to which the ENO chorus adds a devilish mass of sound. Every solo part is sung well, and the performance coheres around a particularly mellifluous Pilgrim (Roland Wood). Always musically and dramatically gripping, and complex and thought-provoking as a visual conception, this deserves to be packed every night.